Julio 03, 2026

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Rep. LaMonica McIver (D-Newark), under indictment for allegedly assaulting federal officers during a May 9 visit to an immigrant detention facility, filed a flurry of motions challenging the legitimacy of the government’s case against her late last week, including one that highlights the contrast between her treatment and that of the January 6 rioters whose charges were dismissed by President Donald Trump’s Justice Department.

The first-term congresswoman filed two separate motions to dismiss the charges she faces: one that argues she’s facing selective prosecution on political grounds – differing sharply, it contends, from the current administration’s lenient treatment of those charged with January 6 crimes – and another that argues the charges relate to protected legislative acts she performed as a member of Congress. Allowing the case to continue, McIver’s attorneys wrote, would “deter other Members from conducting legitimate oversight and imperil the separation of powers.”

A third motion argues that critical statements the government has made outside the courtroom unlawfully assume McIver’s guilt and impede her right to a fair trial; she asked the court to order federal officials to stop discussing her case in such ways. And a final, fourth motion accuses prosecutors of failing to hand over all relevant evidence in the case, and asks the judge to order prosecutors to provide further video and documents.

“I have full confidence in the arguments we’re making – the briefs speak for themselves,” McIver said in a brief statement on the filings.

Friday was the deadline for pre-trial motions, according to a schedule established earlier this summer. Prosecutors have until next Monday to respond to McIver’s motions. Oral arguments on the motions are expected on September 9.

The motions were written by two former heavyweights in the U.S. Attorney’s office who are now representing McIver: former U.S. Attorney Paul Fishman, who served during the Obama administration, and former Executive Assistant U.S. Attorney Lee Cortes. The case is being heard by U.S. District Court Judge Jamel Semper, an appointee of President Joe Biden.

Notably, unmentioned in any of the filings is the ongoing uncertainty over whether acting U.S. Attorney Alina Habba has the authority to prosecute McIver or any other defendant in the District of New Jersey. A Pennsylvania judge is likely to issue an opinion this week on whether Habba’s complicated appointment process violated federal law, but McIver’s filings ignore that debate, only mentioning Habba in the context of controversial statements Habba has made about how she’d conduct her duties as U.S. Attorney.

‘Vindictive prosecution’

The charges McIver is defending herself against revolve around a chaotic few minutes on May 9, when McIver, two of her Democratic congressional colleagues, and Newark Mayor Ras Baraka arrived at the newly reopened Delaney Hall immigrant detention facility in Newark to conduct an oversight visit, something members of Congress are explicitly allowed to do under federal law.

Baraka, who as a local official does not possess the same oversight authorities, was asked to leave the facility, and he did – but a few minutes later, federal officers came outside the facility’s gates and arrested him anyway for allegedly trespassing. The arrest ignited a scuffle in which McIver and a number of protesters who gathered at the gates shoved federal officers and were shoved in return; no injuries on either side were ever reported.

Ten days later, Habba announced that Baraka’s trespassing charges would be dropped, but that McIver would be charged with assaulting law enforcement officers, a felony. A grand jury returned an indictment on June 10, and a trial date has been set for November 10.

In one of their motions to dismiss filed last Friday, Fishman and Cortes argue that everything about the circumstances of the case – from the chaos caused by Baraka’s arrest, to the timing of the charges against McIver in conjunction with the dismissal of charges against Baraka, to the prejudicial public statements top Trump administration officials have made about McIver in the months since – point towards a prosecution that is more about selectively punishing an opposition-party lawmaker than about securing justice.

“Clearly, the Executive Branch does not like scrutiny of its immigration policies and practices,” they wrote. “But due process does not permit prosecutions as a form of retaliation when such scrutiny lawfully occurs.”

By contrast, they note, the Trump administration has pursued an explicit policy of abandoning prosecutions of those who attacked the U.S. Capitol on January 6, 2021. Some of those who were pardoned or had their cases dismissed by Trump at the beginning of this year had been convicted or accused of assaulting and seriously injuring federal law enforcement officers – conduct far more severe than anything McIver is alleged to have done.

If the Trump administration is intent on prosecuting a congresswoman of the opposite party for less severe conduct than that of protesters aligned with the president’s party, Fishman and Cortes argue, that constitutes evidence of selective and vindictive prosecution.

“To be clear, Congresswoman McIver is not guilty of the charges that the Justice Department has filed,” the motion states. “But even if its leaders think otherwise, they cannot pursue charges against her because she is a Democrat who conducts oversight of Executive Branch immigration policy, while dismissing charges brought under the same statute against those whose views they share and who engaged in conduct far more egregious.”

“The Executive Branch has been clear that it views oversight of its immigration policies as a nuisance to be abated,” it continues. “And it has openly stated that it views this prosecution as part of its project to chill that oversight.”

‘Protected legislative acts’

Beyond the specific irregularities of the government’s case against her, McIver’s attorneys also argue that the charges against her run into another Constitutional roadblock: the protections of official legislative acts enshrined in the Constitution’s Speech and Debate Clause.

The clause essentially asserts that members of Congress cannot be charged with most crimes for conduct related to performing their official congressional duties. And McIver’s visit to Delaney Hall clearly falls into that bucket, Friday’s filing argues; she and Reps. Bonnie Watson Coleman (D-Ewing) and Rob Menendez (D-Jersey City), both of whom do not face any charges, were there for an oversight visit that they are explicitly given the power to conduct as members of Congress.

Moreover, McIver has a history of legislative conduct related to immigration enforcement that long predates her Delaney Hall visit. The congresswoman sits on the House Homeland Security Committee, which has jurisdiction over immigrant detention facilities like Delaney Hall; she had written a letter to Department of Homeland Security (DHS) Secretary Kristi Noem regarding conditions at such facilities; and she, along with Watson Coleman and Menendez, had paid a visit in February to New Jersey’s other detention center, the Elizabeth Contract Detention Facility.

In that context, McIver’s attorneys argue, the charges against her relate unavoidably and exclusively around her official legislative duties, and cannot be allowed to move forward.

“The implications are obvious: putting Congresswoman McIver on trial for exercising her constitutionally and statutorily vested duties in this case would deter other Members from conducting legitimate oversight and imperil the separation of powers,” they wrote. “That sort of intimidation of independent legislative prerogatives is exactly the evil that legislative immunity was designed to prevent.”

Speech and debate clause arguments were also made by the last New Jersey member of Congress to come under federal indictment: former U.S. Senator Bob Menendez, who was ultimately convicted last year in a wide-ranging bribery scheme. Menendez’s attorneys attempted to argue that many of the senator’s actions related to the scheme, which included influencing U.S. Attorney appointments and introducing pro-Qatar Senate resolutions, were protected legislative acts and could not be the subject of prosecution.

Menendez’s case, however, revolved around whether the senator had used his official powers for personal gain for himself and a handful of allied businessmen; the judge ultimately rejected his arguments and allowed the case to go to trial.

‘Extrajudicial statements’

In addition to their two efforts to dismiss the case entirely, McIver’s attorneys also filed a motion seeking to prevent the government from continuing to make “extrajudicial statements” about McIver and the charges against her.

The congresswoman’s attorneys wrote that defendants are legally protected from certain government statements. They argue that court rules bar the government from commenting on the character of defendants or witnesses, the nature of evidence in the case, or public opinions on the guilt or innocence of a defendant, and that the presumption of innocence must be included when indictments are discussed.

A footnote in the filing states that McIver may seek to dismiss the charges if the federal government continues to make such “prejudicial statements” or fails to remove prior statements.

“Individually and collectively, those statements are extraordinarily prejudicial: they unequivocally declare Congresswoman McIver’s guilt; they assail the defenses DHS expects her to assert; they demean her as a ‘gutter politician’ responsible for purportedly escalating rates of assault on ICE agents; and they attempt to associate her with ‘Murderers, Rapists, Suspected Terrorists, and Gang Members’ supposedly housed in the detention facility that the Congresswoman inspected on May 9, 2025, as part of her congressionally authorized oversight responsibility,” the motion states.

McIver’s attorneys point to a series of five statements and social media posts by the federal government, particularly by the DHS, in the months following her indictment. In mid-July, for example, the DHS issued a press release claiming that ICE officers are facing an 830% increase in assaults since President Donald Trump’s January inauguration. McIver’s filing called the skyrocketing numbers “phantom statistics” and took issue with the release’s characterization of the Delaney Hall visit; the statement said she had “trespassed on and stormed the Delaney Hall detention facility, where she proceeded to physically assault an ICE officer.” 

The congresswoman’s filing states that by this time, Habba’s office had provided the defense with video that proves she did not trespass or storm the facility; the release, it argues, omits McIver’s oversight authority, fails to mention her presumed innocence, and includes an “imaginary claim” that McIver is responsible for an increase in assaults on ICE agents.

“[This] arm of the prosecution team has wielded its unique position of authority to publicly render its own verdict on Congresswoman McIver’s guilt; assail and defame her character and the character of other potential witnesses; advance a manufactured narrative around the evidence upon which the prosecution will rely at trial; and make huge efforts – without any factual basis – to tie the Congresswoman to DHS’s ‘Most Egregious’ detainees, to a purported rise in assaults against ICE agents, and to a series of alleged incidents involving ICE around the country with which the Congresswoman has no connection at all,” McIver’s attorneys wrote.

‘To compel discovery’

In a fourth motion, McIver’s attorneys say prosecutors haven’t handed over a collection of evidence and documents they’re obligated to disclose. 

Her team says the government has provided footage from two cameras on the exterior of Delaney Hall and footage from eleven body-worn cameras on ICE or Homeland Security Investigations officials. They say the disclosure was “deficient” and that no other material was provided from the May 9th visit.

The congresswoman’s attorneys also say prosecutors have declined to provide other categories of materials, and have asked Judge Semper to order the disclosure of materials like surveillance video of the entire period of her visit to Delaney Hall, internal communications about the incident, and internal policies at play.

According to the motion, prosecutors have already agreed to hand over footage of McIver’s tour of the facility, the identities of officers present at the scuffle, the identities of officers with body-worn cameras, car dashboard footage, and maps and diagrams of Delaney Hall. 

McIver’s attorneys say body-camera footage from two officers central to the case – one of whom was an alleged victim of McIver’s assault, and another who allegedly shoved McIver – has not been released to the defense. If body-camera policy was violated, they argue, the government must explain why and how; they also suggest that some of the evidence is in the hands of GEO Group, the private-prison company that operates Delaney Hall. 

“Even if GEO Group is not a member of the prosecution team (as the government’s response suggests), it is difficult to believe that the government does not have access to or cannot demand the production of material that is in the custody of the private company that ICE has hired to incarcerate federal detainees,” the motion states. “Surely the government has access to all the surveillance video from Delaney Hall on demand.”

“Finally, because the videos show that the entire episode surrounding Mayor Baraka’s arrest was concocted to interfere with Congresswoman McIver’s right and ability to inspect Delaney Hall, she is entitled to the communications between and among law enforcement personnel regarding the preparations for that spectacularly ill-conceived and badly executed operation,” it continues. “Indeed, it is indicative of the bad faith of ICE and HSI leadership.”

This story was updated at 12:51 p.m. with a correction: McIver’s motion refers to January 6 defendants who had their cases dismissed, not to those who had already been convicted and were then pardoned.

The post McIver, moving to dismiss charges, asks why she’s treated differently from Jan. 6 rioters appeared first on New Jersey Globe.

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Matt Gould, a longtime Assembly staffer, has joined MAD Global Strategy as a senior vice president.

Gould had most recently served as campaign manager for State Sen. Jon Bramnick’s campaign for the Republican gubernatorial nomination.   In addition to working on campaigns, Gould has been the public affairs director, senior legislative advisor, and deputy budget director in the Assembly Minority Office.

“Matt is a great addition to our team, and I know his national, state, and local experience will help us deliver meaningful results for our clients,” said MAD partner Laura Matos.

Justin Braz, who recently became a partner at the firm, said that Gould’s service “at high levels in government on the campaign trail, he brings the insight and drive to help our clients succeed from day one.”

“Matt’s addition further builds upon our bi-partisan, solutions-oriented approach to get tangible results for our clients at all levels of government,” said Braz.

Assembly Republicans picked up six seats in 2021 when Gould was leading the Assembly GOP campaigns.

The post Matt Gould joins public affairs firm appeared first on New Jersey Globe.

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An heir to the $24 billion Newhouse publishing empire that owns NJ.com and the Star-Ledger has contributed over $400,000 to Democratic candidates nationally, and $16,700 to Mikie Sherrill’s campaigns for governor and Congress.

Ben Newhouse, a 43-year-old Jersey City resident who runs strategic investments and acquisitions for Advance Media, also pumped thousands of dollars into New Jersey’s 7th district to help Democrats Tom Malinowski and Sue Altman at a time when his newspaper was taking repeated shots at Republican Tom Kean, Jr.

With matching funds, his $5,800 to Sherrill for Governor gave Sherrill $17,400 in cash to capture her party’s nomination.  He had been a large donor to Sherrill since 2017, when GOP Rep. Rodney Frelinghuysen was still in the race; by the end of the cycle, he’d donated $5,300 to flip the congressional seat in New Jersey’s 11th district.

The grandson of S.I. Newhouse, Jr., gave Malinowski $2,700 when he unseated five-term Rep. Leonard Lance in 2018, and $2,900 when he unsuccessfully sought re-election against former Kean in 2022; Newhouse donated $5,800 to Altman in her bid to unseat Kean in 2024.

In 2024, Newhouse also contributed $3,300 to the New Jersey Democratic State Committee and $3,300 to the NJ Dems Victory Fund.   His wife also donated to Sherrill.

Assemblyman Jay Webber (R-Morris Plains), who faced Sherrill in the 2018 campaign, told the New Jersey Globe that he was not aware that one of the Star-Ledger’s owners was contributing to his opponent at the same time they were covering him.

Contributions from Newhouse to Sherrill also came for the 2020, 2022, and 2024 cycles.

He also gave to the House Majority PAC, and to Barack Obama, Joe Biden, and Kamala Harris.

Newhouse isn’t the only Advance Publications official to dabble in New Jersey politics: Michael Fricklas, the chief legal officer and corporate secretary, has contributed $15,100 to Rep. Josh Gottheimer’s congressional campaigns.  Fricklas has donated nearly $200,000 to Democratic candidates across the U.S.

Journalists who work for Newhouse have also been campaign contributors:

Dave D’Alessandro, who was the Star-Ledger’s deputy editorial page editor until the newspaper shuttered its opinion page earlier this year, made modest personal contributions to the Kamala Harris, Joe Biden, Bernie Sanders, and Barack Obama presidential campaigns, along with nearly twenty Democratic Senate and House candidates outside New Jersey.   The Star-Ledger endorsement of Harris did not include a disclaimer that D’Alessandro – or Newhouse – had donated to the Democratic nominee.

A statehouse reporter, Sue Livo, donated to America Coming Together, a now-defunct progressive, George Soros-funded group that funded Democratic voter turnout activities.  Kevin Whitmer, the former Star-Ledger editor and executive, gave to the same group.

Steve Alessi, the president of New Jersey Advance Media, did not respond to two calls seeking comment last week.  Newhouse did not immediately respond to a message left on his cell phone on Friday.

As part of his training, Newhouse spent 2098 to 2011 at NJ.com, shadowing the general manager.

In a position paper, the Society of Professional Journalists Ethics Committee recommended that journalists stay out of political campaigns: “No. Don’t do it. Don’t get involved. Don’t contribute money, don’t work in a campaign, don’t lobby, and especially, don’t run for office yourself.”

“Skeptics of journalistic objectivity are quick to point out that some publishers and owners of news media outlets may not follow the rules they lay down for their employees. A few get more deeply involved, and they may contribute to candidates. Is this ethical? It’s at best a double standard and a questionable practice,” the SJP group said. “But at the very minimum, there should be public disclosure — in their own media — when media magnates get politically involved in this way.”

None of the Star-Ledger columns, editorials, or news stories advised readers that one of their owners was a major donor to candidates they were covering.

In 2022, former Gov. Thomas H. Kean supported his son’s decision to skip an editorial board meeting with the Star-Ledger in his race against Malinowski because of the bias of the editorial page editor, Tom Moran.

“Tom Moran has put things in the paper that are inaccurate, unfair, and he’s never been given a chance to answer those things,” the former governor said.

As part of their bid to influence legislation that took away requirements for public notices, NJ Advance Media hired a Trenton lobbying firm – a move that does not violate any state law.

Advance Publications is the 47th largest privately-held company in the United States.  Conde Nast, the Discovery Channel, Reddit, and dozens of daily newspapers across the nation are just part of their portfolio.  Forbes estimates Advance’s annual revenue to be $6.25 billion.

In 2020, Advance announced an all-cash deal to buy the Beijing-based Ironman group for $730 million. One week before that, Advance announced a $200 million investment in Scopely, a “fast-growing mobile games space” that allows you to play Wheel of Fortune on your smartphone.  Newhouse was a leading actor in those deals – a signal that the company chose to put its money into a global triathlon and mass participation sports marketing company instead of local news.

Campaign contributions from the media aren’t unusual: Rupert Murdoch, the owner of News Corp., has donated millions to conservative candidates, and former Vice President Dan Quayle was the scion of the Pulliam newspaper chain.

The post NJ.com/Star-Ledger owner is major Sherrill donor appeared first on New Jersey Globe.

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Former South Jersey Transportation Authority Commissioner Matthew Milam is pushing back against his indictment on corruption charges, accusing Attorney General Matt Platkin of turning his office into a political weapon.

Milam and another ex-commissioner, Bryan Bush, were indicted last week by a state grand jury on charges of conspiracy, official misconduct, and perjury. Prosecutors allege the two men retaliated against Mercer County Commissioner John Cimino by using their positions on the SJTA board to block payments to Cimino’s engineering firm.

Platkin alleges that Milam and Bush “abused their positions of power to get retribution,” and that “scheming to unjustly use a public office as a weapon to manipulate and punish political opponents is misconduct, and those who engage in this type of behavior will be held to account.”

But Milam denies the allegations and says politics are at the center of the case.

“From day one, this has been a political spectacle,” Milam said. “Matt Platkin is a political hack who threw his fishing line and bobber into the deep sea to catch a whale. Now he has resorted to netting two minnows. I look forward to my day in court.”

The indictment stems from the 2023 Democratic primary for Mercer County Executive, when South Jersey Democrats quietly backed five-term incumbent Brian Hughes over Assemblyman Dan Benson (D-Hamilton). Cimino endorsed Benson despite appeals to stay neutral. Prosecutors claim that Milam and Bush, angered by Cimino’s decision, later voted three times against authorizing payments to Cimino’s firm.

According to the indictment, Milam texted Bush in February 2023: “They cut South Jersey in Mercer County, so now we vote no.” Both men are also charged with perjury, accused of lying under oath about why they opposed the payments.

Milam, a former Washington Township Democratic municipal chairman, insists the charges are politically motivated and that Platkin is overreaching.

“This is an attempt to smear the reputations of myself and Bryan Bush,” Milam said. “We are his settle plan since he was embarrassed in his attempt to get the big political folks. Again, I maintain my innocence and look forward to making sure that we hold that office to a higher standard than the current political witch hunts that are happening.”

He added that Platkin has “politicized his office and tasked his staff of good attorneys to go after political nemesis,” and predicted the case would backfire.

“Unfortunately for Matt the public and voters will find out exactly how politically motivated all of his actions are and have been,” stated Milam.

The post Indicted SJTA commissioner slams Platkin, calls prosecution a ‘political spectacle’ appeared first on New Jersey Globe.

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